Kabanata Kabanata 1 · 胡桃夹子

Chapter 1. 166. The original is in the New York Public Library

(Lenox Building). Reverend Adrianus Smoutius, to whom the

letter was addressed, was an ultra-Calvinist clergyman, who

led a stormy life, but from 1620 to 1630 was a minister of

the collegiate churches of Amsterdam, and as such a member

of the classis under whose charge Michaelius served.

For many years this letter of August 11, 1628, was supposed

to be the earliest extant letter or paper written at

Manhattan. But a letter of three days earlier was recently

discovered, which Michaelius wrote on August 8 to Jan Foreest,

a magistrate of Hoorn and secretary to the Executive Council

(Gecommitteerde Raden) of the States of the Province of

Holland. This letter mentions epistles also sent to two

clergymen in Holland and to the writer's brother. It was

printed by Mr. Dingman Versteeg in _Manhattan in 1628_ (New

York, 1904). All these letters were presumably prepared to

be sent home on the same ship. The two which are extant

parallel each other to a large extent. That which follows,

though second in order of time, is intrinsically a little

more interesting than the other. Mr. Fagg's translation

has in the main been followed.

LETTER OF REVEREND JONAS MICHAELIUS, 1628

The Reverend, Learned and Pious Mr. Adrianus Smoutius,

Faithful Minister of the Holy Gospel of Christ in his

Church, dwelling upon the Heerengracht, not far from the

West India House at Amsterdam. By a friend, whom God

Preserve.

The Peace of Christ to You.

Reverend Sir, Well Beloved Brother in Christ, Kind Friend!

THE favorable opportunity which now presents itself of

writing to your Reverence I cannot let pass, without

embracing it, according to my promise. And, first to

unburden myself in this communication of a sorrowful

circumstance, it pleased the Lord, seven weeks after we

arrived in this country, to take from me my good partner,

who had been to me, for more than sixteen years, a virtuous,

faithful, and altogether amiable yoke-fellow; and I now find

myself alone with three children,<1> very much discommoded,

without her society and assistance. But what have I to say?

The Lord himself has done this, against whom no one can

oppose himself. And why should I even wish to, knowing that

all things must work together for good to them that love

God? I hope therefore to bear my cross patiently, and by

the grace and help of the Lord, not to let the courage fail

me which in my duties here I so especially need.

<1> Two daughters and a son, Jan, whom he had placed in the

house and custody of skipper Jan Jansen Brouwer.

The voyage was long, namely, from the 24th of January till

the 7th of April, when we first set foot upon land here. Of

storm and tempest which fell hard upon the good wife and

children, though they bore it better as regards sea-sickness

and fear than I had expected, we had no lack, particularly

in the vicinity of the Bermudas and the rough coasts of this

country. Our fare in the ship was very poor and scanty, so

that my blessed wife and children, not eating with us in the

cabin, on account of the little room in it, had a worse lot

than the sailors themselves; and that by reason of a wicked

cook who annoyed them in every way; but especially by reason

of the captain himself,<1> who, although I frequently

complained of it in the most courteous manner, did not concern

himself in the least about correcting the rascal; nor did he,

even when they were all sick ,given them anything which could

do them any good, although there was enough in the ship: as

he himself knew very well where to find it in order, out of

meal times, to fill his own stomach. All the relief which

he gave us, consisted merely in liberal promises, with a

drunken head; upon which nothing followed when he was sober

but a sour face; and he raged at the officers and kept himself

constantly to the wine, both at sea and especially here while

lying in the river; so that he daily walked the deck drunk

and with an empty head, seldom coming ashore to the Council

and never to Divine service. We bore all with silence on

board the ship; but it grieves me, when I think of it, on

account of my wife; the more, because she was so situated

as she was--believing that she was with child--and the time

so short which she had yet to live. On my first voyage I

roamed about with him a great deal, even lodged in the same

hut, but never knew that he was such a brute and drunkard.

But he was then under the direction of Mr. Lam,<2> and now

he had the chief command himself. I have also written to

Mr. Godyn<3> about it, considering it necessary that it

should be known.

<1> "Evert Croeger, with whom, prior to this, I had made

long voyages, but never before did I know him well."--Letter

of August 8 to Jan Foreest.

<2> Admiral Jan Dirckszoon Lam, who in 1625 and 1626 was in

command of a Dutch squadron on the west coast of Africa.

<3> Probably Samuel Godyn, a prominent director of the company.

Our coming here was agreeable to all, and I hope, by the grace

of the Lord, that my service will not be unfruitful. The

people, for the most part, are rather rough and unrestrained,

but I find in almost all of them both love and respect towards

me; two things with which hitherto the Lord has everywhere

graciously blessed my labors, and which in our calling, as

your Reverence well knows and finds, are especially desirable,

in order to make our ministry fruitful.

>From the beginning we established the form of a church; and

as Brother Bastiaen Crol<1> very seldom comes down from Fort

Orange, because the directorship of that fort and the trade

there is committed to him, it has been thought best to choose

two elders for my assistance and for the proper consideration

of all such ecclesiastical matters as might occur, intending

the coming year, if the Lord permit, to let one of them

retire, and to choose another in his place from a double

number first lawfully proposed to the congregation. One of

those whom we have now chosen is the Honorable Director<2>

himself, and the other is the storekeeper of the Company, Jan

Huygen,<3> his brother-in-law, persons of very good character,

as far as I have been able to learn, having both been formerly

in office in the Church, the one as deacon, and the other as

elder in the Dutch and French churches, respectively, at

Wesel.<4>

<1> Sebastian Janszoon Krol came out to New Netherland in 1626

as a "comforter of the sick" at Manhattan, but before long

went up to Fort Orange, where he was chief agent for the

company most of the time to March, 1632. Then, on Minuit's

recall, he was director-general till Wouter van Twiller's

arrival in April, 1633.

<2> Peter Minuit, born of Huguenot parentage in 1550 in Wesel,

west Germany, was made director general of New Netherland in

December, 1625, arrived in May, 1626, bought Manhattan Island

of the Indians that summer, and remained in office till

recalled early in 1632. In 1636-1637 he made arrangements

with Blommaert and the Swedish government, in consequence of

which he conducted the first Swedish colony to Delaware Bay,

landing there in the spring of 1638, and establishing New

Sweden on territory claimed by the Dutch. During the ensuing

summer he perished in a hurricane at St. Christopher, in the

West Indies.

<3> Probably the ame as Jan Huych, comforter of the sick.

<4> Jan Huyghens was deacon of the Dutch Reformed church at

Wesel in 1612; and probably Minuit was elder in the French

church there.

At the first administration of the Lord's Supper which was

observed, not without great joy and comfort to many, we had

fully fifty communicants--Walloons and Dutch; of whom, a

portion made their first confession of faith before us, and

others exhibited their church certificates. Others had

forgotten to bring their certificates with them, not thinking

that a church would be formed and established here; and some

who brought them, had lost them unfortunately in a general

conflagration, but they were admitted upon the satisfactory

testimony of others to whom they were known, and also upon

their daily good deportment, since one cannot observe strictly

all the usual formalities in making a beginning under such

circumstance.

We administer the Holy Supper of the Lord once in four months,

provisionally, until a larger number of people shall otherwise

require. The Walloons and French have no service on Sundays,

otherwise than in the Dutch language, for those who understand

no Dutch are very few. A portion of the Walloons are going

back to the Fatherland, either because their years here are

expired, or else because some are not very serviceable to the

Company. Some of them live far away and could not well come

in time of heavy rain and storm, so that they themselves

cannot think it advisable to appoint any special service in

French for so small a number, and that upon an uncertainty.

Nevertheless, the Lord's Supper is administered to them in

the French language, and according to the French mode, with a

sermon preceding, which I have before me in writing, so long

as I can not trust myself extemporaneously.<1> If in this and

in other matters your Reverence and the Reverend Brethren of

the Consistory, who have special superintendence over us here,

deem it necessary to administer to us any correction, instruction

or good advice, it will be agreeable to us and we shall thank

your Reverence therefor; since we must all have no other object

than the glory of God in the building up of his kingdom and the

salvation of many souls. I keep myself as far as practicable

within the pale of my calling, wherein I find myself sufficiently

occupied. And although our small consistory embraces at the

most--when Brother Crol is down here--not more than four persons,

all of whom, myself alone excepted, have also public business to

attend to, I still hope to separate carefully the ecclesiastical

from the civil matters which occur, so that each one will be

occupied with his own subject.

<1> That is, to preach extempore in French.

And though many things are mixti generis, and political and

ecclesiastical persons can greatly assist each other, nevertheless

the matters and officers proceeding together must not be mixed

but kept separate, in order to prevent all confusion and

disorder. As the Council of this place consists of good people,

who are, however, for the most part simple and have little

experience in public affairs, I should have little objection

to serve them in any difficult or dubious affair with good

advice, provided I considered myself capable and my advice

should be asked; in which case I suppose that I should not do

amiss nor be suspected by any one of being a polupragmov or

allotrioepiskopos.<1>

<1> I Peter iv. 15; a meddler or "busy-body in other men's

matters."

In my opinion it would be well that the Honorable Directors

should furnish this place with plainer and more precise

instructions to the rulers, that they may distinctly know

how to conduct themselves in all possible public difficulties

and events; and also that I should some time have here all

such _Acta Synolalia_, as have been adopted in the synods of

Holland; both the special ones of our quarter,<1> and those

which are provincial and national, in relation to ecclesiastical

difficulties; or at least such of them as in the judgment of

the Honorable Brethren at Amsterdam would be most likely to

be of service to us here. In the meantime, I hope matters

will go well here, if only on our part we do our best in all

sincerity and honest zeal; whereunto I have from the first

entirely devoted myself, and wherein I have also hitherto, by

the grace of God, had no just cause to complain of any one.

And if any dubious matters of importance come before me, and

especially if they will admit of any delay, I shall refer

myself to the good and prudent advice of the Honorable Brethren,

to whom I have already wholly commended myself.

<1> I.e., acts of the synod of North Holland. North Holland

was not at this time a province, but merely a part of the

province of Holland, the chief of the seven United Provinces.

The national _Acta_ would probably be those of the six

fundamental synodical conventions of 1568-1586 and the Synod

of Dort.

As to the natives of this country, I find them entirely savage

and wild, strangers to all decency, yea, uncivil and stupid as

garden poles, proficient in all wickedness and godlessness;

devilish men, who serve nobody but the Devil, that is, the

spirit which in their language they call Menetto; under which

title they comprehend everything that is subtle and crafty and

beyond human skill and power. They have so much witchcraft,

divination, sorcery and wicked arts, that they can hardly be

held in by any bands or locks. They are as thievish and

treacherous as they are tall; and in cruelty they are

altogether inhuman, more than barbarous, far exceeding the

Africans.<1>

<1> He had served on the west coast of Africa; see the

introduction.

I have written concerning this matter to several persons

elsewhere, not doubting that Brother Crol will have written

sufficient to your Reverence, or to the Honorable Directors;

as also of the base treachery and the murders which the

Mohicans, at the upper part of this river, had planned against

Fort Orange, but which failed through the gracious interposition

of our Lord, for our good--who, when it pleases Him, knows how

to pour, unexpectedly, natural impulses into these unnatural

men, in order to prevent them. How these people can best be

led to the true knowledge of God and of the Mediator Christ,

is hard to say. I cannot myself wonder enough who it is that

has imposed so much upon your Reverence and many others in the

Fatherland, concerning the docility of these people and their

good nature, the proper principia religionis and vestigia legis

naturae which are said to be among them; in whom I have as yet

been able to discover hardly a single good point, except that

they do not speak so jeeringly and so scoffingly of the godlike

and glorious majesty of their Creator as the Africans dare to

do. But it may be because they have no certain knowledge of

Him, or scarcely any. If we speak to them of God, it appears

to them like a dream; and we are compelled to speak of him,

not under the name of Menetto, whom they know and serve--for

that would be blasphemy--but of one great, yea, most high,

Sackiema, by which name they--living without a king--call him

who has the command over several hundred among them, and who

by our people are called Sackemakers; and as the people listen,

some will begin to mutter and shake their heads as if it were

a silly fable; and others, in order to express regard and

friendship for such a proposition, will say Orith (That is good).

Now, by what means are we to lead this people to salvation, or

to make a salutary breach among them? I take the liberty on

this point of enlarging somewhat to your Reverence.

Their language, which is the first thing to be employed with

them, methinks is entirely peculiar. Many of our common

people call it an easy language, which is soon learned, but

I am of a contrary opinion. For those who can understand

their words to some extent and repeat them, fail greatly

in the pronunciation, and speak a broken language, like the

language of Ashdod.<1> For these people have difficult

aspirates and many guttural letters, which are formed more

in the throat than by the mouth, teeth and lips, to which

our people not being accustomed, make a bold stroke at the

thing and imagine that they have accomplished something

wonderful. It is true one can easily learn as much as is

sufficient for the purposes of trading, but this is done

almost as much by signs with the thumb and fingers as by

speaking; and this cannot be done in religious matters.

It also seems to us that they rather design to conceal

their language from us than to properly communicate it,

except in things which happen in daily trade; saying that

it is sufficient for us to understand them in that; and

then they speak only half sentences, shortened words, and

frequently call out a dozen things and even more; and all

things which have only a rude resemblance to each other,

they frequently call by the same name. In truth it is a

made-up, childish language; so that even those who can best

of all speak with the savages, and get along well in trade,

are nevertheless wholly in the dark and bewildered when

they hear the savages talking among themselves.

<1> An allusion to Nehemiah xiii. 24.

It would be well then to leave the parents as they are, and

begin with the children who are still young. So be it. But

they ought in youth to be separated from their parents; yea,

from their whole nation. For, without this, they would

forthwith be as much accustomed as their parents to the

heathenish tricks and deviltries, which are kneaded naturally

in their hearts by themselves through a just judgment of God;

so that having once, by habit, obtained deep root, they would

with great difficulty be emancipated therefrom. But this

separation is hard to effect. For the parents have a strong

affection for their children, and are very loth to part with

them; and when they are separated from them, as we have

already had proof, the parents are never contented, but take

them away stealthily, or induce them to run away. Nevertheless,

although it would be attended with some expense, we ought, by

means of presents and promises, to obtain the children, with

the gratitude and consent of the parents, in order to place

them under the instruction of some experienced and godly

schoolmaster, where they may be instructed not only to speak,

read, and write in our language, but also especially in the

fundamentals of our Christian religion; and where, besides,

they will see nothing but good examples of virtuous living;

but they must sometimes speak their native tongue among

themselves in order not to forget it, as being evidently a

principal means of spreading the knowledge of religion through

the whole nation. In the meantime we should not forget to

beseech the Lord, with ardent and continual prayers, for His

blessing; who can make things which are unseen suddenly and

opportunely to appear; who gives life to the dead; calls that

which is not as though it were; and being rich in mercy has

pity on whom He will; as He has compassionated us to be His

people; and has washed us clean, sanctified us and justified

us, when we were covered with all manner of corruption, calling

us to the blessed knowledge of His Son, and out of the power

of darkness to His marvellous light. And this I regard so

much the more necessary, as the wrath and curse of God, resting

upon this miserable people, is found to be the heavier.

Perchance God may at last have mercy upon them, that the

fulness of the heathen may be gradually brought in and the

salvation of our God may be here also seen among these wild

savage men. I hope to keep a watchful eye over these people,

and to learn as much as possible of their language, and to

seek better opportunities for their instruction than hitherto

it has been possible to find.

As to what concerns myself and my household affairs: I find

myself by the loss of my good and helpful partner very much

hindered and distressed--for my two little daughters are yet

small; maid servants are not here to be had, at least none

whom they can advise me to take; and the Angola slave women<1>

are thievish, lazy, and useless trash. The young man whom I

took with me, I discharged after Whitsuntide, for the reason

that I could not employ him out-of-doors at any working of

the land, and in-doors he was a burden to me instead of an

assistance. He is now elsewhere at service among the farmers.

<1> Slavery was introduced into New Netherland two or three

years before this, a number of negroes, some of them from

Angola, having been imported in 1625 or 1626.

The promise which the Honorable Directors of the Company had

made me of some morgens or acres of land for me to sustain

myself, instead of a free table which otherwise belonged to

me, is void and useless. For their Honors well knew that

there are no horses, cows, or laborers to be obtained here

for money. Every one is short in these particulars and

wants more. I should not mind the expense if the opportunity

only offered, for the sake of our own comfort, although there

were no profit in it (the Honorable Directors nevertheless

remaining indebted to me for as much as the value of a free

table), for refreshment of butter, milk, etc., cannot be

here obtained; though some is indeed sold at a very high

price, for those who bring it in or bespeak it are jealous

of each other. So I shall be compelled to pass through the

winter without butter and other necessities, which the ships

do not bring with them to be sold here. The rations, which

are given out here, and charged for high enough, are all hard

stale food, such as men are used to on board ship, and

frequently not very good, and even so one cannot obtain as

much as he desires. I began to get considerable strength,

by the grace of the Lord, but in consequence of this hard

fare of beans and gray peas, which are hard enough, barley,

stockfish, etc., without much change, I cannot fully recuperate

as I otherwise would. The summer yields something, but what

is that for any one who does not feel well? The savages also

bring some things, but one who has no wares, such as knives,

beads, and the like, or seewan, cannot come to any terms with

them. Though the people trade such things for proper wares,

I know not whether it is permitted by the laws of the Company.

I have now ordered from Holland almost all necessaries; and I

hope to pass through the winter, with hard and scanty food.

The country yields many good things for the support of life,

but they are all too unfit and wild to be gathered. Better

regulations should be established, and people brought here

who have the knowledge and implements for seeking out all

kinds of things in their season and for securing and gathering

them. No doubt this will gradually be done. In the meanwhile,

I wish the Honorable Directors to be courteously enquired of,

how I can best have the opportunity to possess a portion of

land, and (even at my own expense) to support myself upon it.

For as long as there is no more accommodation to be obtained

here from the country people, and I shall be compelled to

order everything from the Fatherland at great expense and

with much risk and trouble, or else live here upon these poor

and hard rations alone, it will badly suit me and my children.

We want ten or twelve more farmers with horses, cows and

laborers in proportion, to furnish us with bread, milk products,

and suitable fruits. For there are convenient places which

can be easily protected and are very suitable, which can be

bought from the savages for trifling toys, or could be occupied

without risk, because we have more than enough shares which

have never been abandoned but have been always reserved for

that purpose.

The business of furs is dull on account of the new war of the

Maechibaeys<1> against the Mohicans at the upper end of this

river. There have occurred cruel murders on both sides. The

Mohicans have fled and their lands are unoccupied and are very

fertile and pleasant. It grieves us that there are no people,

and that there is no order from the Honorable Directors to

occupy the same. Much timber is cut here to carry to the

Fatherland, but the vessels are too few to take much of it.

They are making a windmill to saw lumber and we also have a

gristmill. They bake brick here, but it is very poor. There

is good material for burning lime, namely, oyster shells, in

large quantities. The burning of potash has not succeeded;

the master and his laborers are all greatly disappointed.

<1> Mohawks.

We are busy now in building a fort of good quarry stone, which

is to be found not far from here in abundance. May the Lord

only build and watch over our walls. There is good opportunity

for making salt, for there are convenient places, the water

is salt enough, and there is no want of heat in summer. Besides,

what the waters yield, both of the sea and rivers, in all kinds

of fish; and what the land possesses in all kinds of birds,

game, and woods, with vegetables, fruits, roots, herbs and

plants, both for eating and medicinal purposes, and with which

wonderful cures can be effected, it would take too long to tell,

nor could I yet tell accurately. Your Reverence has already

obtained some knowledge thereof and will be able to obtain from

others further information. The country is good and pleasant,

the climate is healthy, notwithstanding the sudden changes of

cold and heat. The sun is very warm, the winter is fierce and

severe and continues fully as long as in our country. The

best remedy is not to spare the wood, of which there is enough,

and to cover one's self with rough skins, which can also easily

be obtained.

The harvest, God be praised, is in the barns, and is larger

than ever before. There ha been more work put on it than

before. The ground is fertile enough to reward labor, but they

must clear it well, and till it, just as our lands require.

Until now there has been distress because many people were not

very industrious, and also did not obtain proper sustenance

for want of bread and other necessaries. But affairs are

beginning to go better and to put on a different appearance,

if only the Directors will send out good laborers and exercise

all care that they be maintained as well as possible with what

this country produces.

I had intended and promised [to write] to the Honorable

Brethren, Rudolphus Petri, Joannes Sylvius and Domine

Cloppenburg, who, with your Reverence, were charged with the

superintendence of these regions;<1> but as this would take

long and the time is short, and my occupations at the present

time many, your Reverence will please to give my friendly and

kind regards to their Reverences, and to excuse me, on condition

that I remain their debtor to fulfill my promise--God willing--

the next time. Be pleased also to give my sincere respects to

the Reverend Domine Triglandius, and to all the Brethren of

the Consistory<2> besides, to all of whom I have not thought

it necessary to write particularly at this time, as they are

made by me participants in these tidings, and are content to

be fed from the hand of your Reverence. If it shall be

convenient for your Reverence or any of the Reverence Brethren

to write to me a letter concerning matters which might be

important in any degree to me, it would be very interesting

to me, living here in a wild country without any society of

our order, and would be a spur to write more assiduously to

the Reverend Brethren concerning what may happen here. And

especially do not forget my hearty salutations to the beloved

wife and brother-in-law of your Reverence, who have shown me

nothing but friendship and kindness above my deserts. If

there were anything in which I could in return serve or gratify

your Reverence, I should be glad to do so, and should not be

delinquent in anything.

<1> This duty had been committed to them by the synod of North

Holland. The preachers named in the text were all at this

time active in Amsterdam; Sylvius and Triglandius since 1610,

and Johannes Cloppenburg since 1621.

<2> Of Amsterdam.

Concluding then herewith, and commending myself to your

Reverence's favor and to your holy prayers to the Lord,

Reverence and Learned Sir, Beloved Brother in Christ, and

Kind Friend:

Heartily commending your Reverence and all of you to Almighty

God, to continued health and prosperity, and to eternal

Salvation, by His Grace.

>From the island of Manhatas in New Netherland, this 11th of

August, Anno 1628, by me, your Reverence's very obedient

servant in Christ,

JONAS MICHAELIUS.

END PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "MICHAELIUS"

BEGIN PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "NOVUM BELGIUM"

Reference material and source.

Jogues, Father Isaac. "Novum Belgium, 1646." In J. Franklin

Jameson, ed., Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664 (Original

Narratives of Early American History). NY: Charles Scribner's

Sons, 1909.

INTRODUCTION

At some time before his death in 1800, Father Jean Joseph

Casot, the last of the old race of Jesuits in Canada, seeing

his order about to expire under the restrictions then imposed

by the British government, and determined that all the materials

for its history should not perish by reason of his death, made

a selection from among its papers, and placed the portion thus

preserved in the custody of the Augustinian nuns of the Hotel

Dieu of Quebec. There they remained safe till in 1843 they

were restored to the Society, then revived and under the charge

of Father Martin, as superior of the Jesuits in Canada. Among

these papers was the following, in which Father Jogues, at the

time of his last sojourn in New France, described New Netherland

as he had seen it three years before.

Father Martin presented a transcript of the document, accompanied

with an English translation, to the regents of the University of

the State of New York. The translation was then published, in

1851, in volume IV. of O'Callaghan's _Documentary History of

the State of New York_ (pp. 21-24 of the octavo edition, pp.

15-17 of the edition in quarto). The French original was

printed for the first time in 1852 in an appendix to Father

Martin's translation of Bressani's _Breve Relatione_. In 1857,

Dr. John Gilmary Shea printed in the _Collections of the New

York Historical Society_, second series, III. 215-219, a

translation which, after revision by the present editor, is

printed in the following pages. Dr. Shea made separate

publication of the French text in his Cramoisy series in

1862, and in the same year published another edition of original

and translation. Both likewise appear in Thwaites's _Jesuit

Relations_, XXVIII. 105-115. Dr. Thwaites also gives a

facsimile of the first page of the original manuscript which

Father Jogues wrote at Three Rivers, with hands crippled by

the cruel usage of the Mohawks.

NOVUM BELGIUM, BY FATHER ISAAC JOGUES, 1646

NEW HOLLAND, which the Dutch call in Latin Novum Belgium,--in

their own language, Nieuw Nederland, that is to say, New Low

Countries--is situated between Virginia and New England. The

mouth of the river, which some people call Nassau, or the Great

North River, to distinguish it from another which they call the

South River, and which I think is called Maurice River on some

maps that I have recently seen, is at 40 deg. 30 min. The

channel is deep, fit for the largest ships, which ascend to

Manhattes Island, which is seven leagues in circuit, and on

which there is a fort to serve as the commencement of a town

to be built here, and to be called New Amsterdam.

This fort, which is at the point of the island, about five

or six leagues from the [river's] mouth, is called Fort

Amsterdam; it has four regular bastions, mounted with several

pieces or artillery. All these bastions and the curtains were,

in 1643, but mounds, most of which had crumbled away, so that

one entered the fort on all sides. There were no ditches. For

the garrison of the said fort, and another which they had built

still further up against the incursions of the savages, their

enemies, there were sixty soldiers. They were beginning to

face the gates and bastions with stone. Within the fort there

was a pretty large stone church,<1> the house of the Governor,

whom they called Director General, quite neatly built of brick,

the storehouses and barracks.

<1> See De Vries, p. 212, supra, and the _Representation of

New Netherland_.

On the island of Manhate, and in its environs, there may well

be four or five hundred men of different sects and nations:

the Director General told me that there were men of eighteen

different languages; they are scattered here and there on the

river, above and below, as the beauty and convenience of the

spot invited each to settle: some mechanics however, who ply

their trade, are ranged under the fort; all the others were

exposed to the incursions of the natives, who in the year 1643,

while I was there, actually killed some two score Hollanders,

and burnt many houses and barns full of wheat.

The river, which is very straight, and runs due north and south,

is at least a league broad before the fort. Ships lie at anchor

in a bay which forms the other side of the island, and can be

defended by the fort.

Shortly before I arrived there, three large ships of 300 tons

each had come to load wheat; two found cargoes, the third

could not be loaded, because the savages had burnt a part of

the grain. These ships had come from the West Indies, where

the West India Company usually keeps up seventeen ships of

war.

No religion is publicly exercised but the Calvinist, and orders

are to admit none but Calvinists, but this is not observed; for

besides the Calvinists there are in the colony Catholics, English

Puritans, Lutherans, Anabaptists, here called Mnistes,<1> etc.

<1> Mennonistes, Mennonites.

When any one comes to settle in the country, they lend him

horses, cows, etc.; they give him provisions, all which he

returns as soon as he is at ease; and as to the land, after

ten years he pays in to the West India Company the tenth of

the produce which he reaps.

This country is bounded on the New England side by a river

they call the Fresche River,<1> which serves as a boundary

between them and the English. The English, however, come very

near to them, choosing to hold lands under the Hollanders,

who ask nothing, rather than depend on the English Milords,

who exact rents, and would fain be absolute. On the other side,

southward, towards Virginia, its limits are the river which

they call the South River, on which there is also a Dutch

settlement,<2> but the Swedes have one at its mouth extremely

well supplied with cannons and men.<3> It is believed that

these Swedes are maintained by some Amsterdam merchants , who

are not satisfied that the West India Company should alone

enjoy all the commerce of these parts.<4> It is near this river

that a gold mine is reported to have been found.

<1> Connecticut.

<2> Fort Nassau, at the mouth of Timber Creek.

<3> He probably means Fort Nya Elfsborg, on the Jersey side

of Delaware Bay, below Salem.

<4> The reference is to aid rendered by Samuel Blommaert, an

Amsterdam merchant, formerly a director of the Dutch West India

Company, in fitting out the first Swedish expedition in 1637,

and in engaging Peter Minuit to command it. Blommaert's letters

to the Swedish chancellor, Count Axel Oxenstjerna, thirty-eight

in number, 1635-1641, letters of great importance to the history

of New Sweden, have just been published in the _Bijdragen en

Mededeelingen_ of the Utrecht Historical Society, vol. XXIX.

See in the work of the Sieur de Laet of Antwerp, the table

and chapter on New Belgium, as he sometimes calls it, or the

map "Nova Anglia, Novu Belgium et Virginia."<1>

<1> De Laet, _Histoire du Nouveau Monde, table of contents,

bk. III. ch. XII., and map.

It is about fifty years since the Hollanders came to these

parts.<1> The fort was begun in the year 1615; they began to

settle about twenty years ago, and there is already some

little commerce with Virginia and New England.

<1> An exaggeration. There is no evidence of Dutch visits

before Hudson's.

The first comers found lands fit for use, deserted by the

savages, who formerly had fields here. Those who came later

have cleared the woods, which are mostly oak. The soil is

good. Deer hunting is abundant in the fall. There are some

houses built of stone; lime they make of oyster shells, great

heaps of which are found here, made formerly by the savages,

who subsist in part by that fishery.

The climate is very mild. Lying at 40 2/3 degrees there are

many European fruits, as apples, pears, cherries. I reached

there in October, and found even then a considerable quantity

of peaches.

Ascending the river to the 43d degree, you meet the second

[Dutch] settlement, which the tide reaches but does not pass.

Ships of a hundred and a hundred and twenty tons can come up

to it.

There are two things in this settlement (which is called

Renselaerswick, as if to say, settlement of Renselaers, who

is a rich Amsterdam merchant)--first, a miserable little fort

called Fort Orenge, built of logs, with four or five pieces

of Breteuil cannon, and as many pedereros. This has been

reserved and is maintained by the West India Company. This

fort was formerly on an island in the river; it is now on the

mainland, towards the Hiroquois, a little above the said island.

Secondly, a colony sent here by this Renselaers, who is the

patron. This colony is composed of about a hundred persons,

who reside in some twenty-five or thirty houses built along

the river, as each found most convenient. In the principal

house resides the patron's agent; the minister has his apart,

in which service is performed. There is also a kind of bailiff

here, whom they call the seneschal,<1> who administers justice.

All their houses are merely of boards and thatched, with no

mason work except the chimneys. The forest furnishing many

large pines, they make boards by means of their mills, which

they have here for the purpose.

<1> The schout.

They found some pieces of ground all ready, which the savages

had formerly cleared, and in which they sow wheat and oats for

beer, and for their horses, of which they have great numbers.

There is little land fit for tillage, being hemmed in by hills,

which are poor soil. This obliges them to separate, and they

already occupy two or three leagues of country.

Trade is free to all; this gives the Indians all things cheap,

each of the Hollanders outbidding his neighbor, and being

satisfied provided he can gain some little profit.

This settlement is not more than twenty leagues from the

Agniehronons,<1> who can be reached by land or water, as the

river on which the Iroquois lie,<2> falls into that which

passes by the Dutch; but there are many low rapids, and a fall

of a short half league, where the canoe must be carried.

<1> The Mohawks.

<2> Mohawk River.

There are many nations between the two Dutch settlements,

which are about thirty German leagues apart, that is, about

fifty or sixty French leagues.<1> The Wolves, whom the Iroquois

call Agotsaganens,<2> are the nearest to the settlement of

Renselaerswick and to Fort Orange. War breaking out some years

ago between the Iroquois and the Wolves, the Dutch joined the

latter against the former; but four men having been taken and

burnt, they made peace. Since then some nations near the sea

having killed some Hollanders of the most distant settlement,

the Hollanders killed one hundred and fifty Indians, men, women

and children, they having, at divers times, killed forty

Hollanders, burnt many houses, and committed ravages, estimated

at the time that I was there at 200,000 l. (two hundred thousand

livres).<3> Troops were raised in New England. Accordingly,

in the beginning of winter, the grass being trampled down and

some snow on the ground, they gave them chase with six hundred

men, keeping two hundred always on the move and constantly

relieving one another; so that the Indians, shut up in a large

island, and unable to flee easily, on account of their women

and children, were cut to pieces to the number of sixteen

hundred, including women and children. This obliged the rest

of the Indians to make peace, which still continues. This

occurred in 1643 and 1644.<4>

<1> One hundred and fifty English miles.

<2> The Mohicans.

<3> Livres tournois or francs, worth two or three times as

much as francs at the time.

<4> See _The Journal of New Netherland_.

>From Three Rivers in New France, August 3, 1646.

END PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "NOVUM BELGIUM"

BEGIN PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "JOURNAL OF NEW NETHERLAND"

Reference material and source.

"Journal of New Netherland, 1647." In J. Franklin Jameson,

ed., Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664 (Original

Narratives of Early American History). NY: Charles Scribner's

Sons, 1909.

INTRODUCTION

AN account of the great Indian war which so desolated the

province of New Netherland, and of some other actions of

Kieft's administration, written from his point of view or

that of his supporters, must be regarded as an important

piece of evidence. It is the more to be welcomed because

on the whole our evidences for New Netherland history come

mainly from opponents of the provincial administration and

of the West India Company. The archives of the company

disappeared almost completely many years ago, the bulk of

them having apparently been sold as waste paper not many

years before Brodhead went to Holland upon his memorable

search. Of Kieft's papers, we may suppose that the greater

part were lost when the Princess was shipwrecked on the Welsh

coast in September, 1647, and the deposed director and all

his possessions were lost.

The document which follows was found by Broadhead in the

Royal Library of the Hague. It is still there and is

designated No. 78 H 32. I has an outside cover forming a

title-page, with ornamental lettering, but it is not the

"book ornamented with water-color drawings" which Kieft is

known to have sent home. A photograph of the first page,

which the editor has procured, does nothing to show the

authorship, for it is written in the hand of a professional

scrivener. Mr. Van Laer, archivist of the State of New York,

assures the editor that it is not the hand of Keift or that

of Cornelis van Tienhoven, the provincial secretary.<1> But

that it was either inspired by Kieft, or emanated from one

of his supporters, is plain not only from its general tone

but from its citations of documents. Of the documents to

which its marginal notes refer, some of those that we can

still trace are noted in the archives of the Netherlands as

"from a copy-book of Director Kieft's." The rest, or the

original copy-book, may have perished with him.

<1> Mr. J.H. Innes tells me that it resembles that of Augustin

Herrman.

The piece was first printed in 1851, in the _Documentary

History of the State of New York_, IV. 1-17. It was printed

for the second time in 1856, in _Documents relating to the

Colonial History of New York_, I. 179-188. For the present

issue this early and imperfect translation has been revised

with great care by Dr. Johannes de Hullu of the National

Archives of the Netherlands, who has used for this purpose

the original manuscript in the Royal Library.

JOURNAL OF NEW NETHERLAND, 1647

Journal of New Netherland, 1647, described in the Years 1641,

1642, 1643, 1644, 1645 and 1646.

Brief Description of New Netherland.

NEW NETHERLAND (so called because it was first frequented and

peopled by the free Netherlanders) is a province in the most

northern part of America lying between New England (which

bounds it on the northeast side) and Virginia lying to the

southwest of it. The ocean washes its whole length along a

clean sandy coast, very similar to that of Flanders or Holland,

having except the rivers few bays or harbors for ships; the

air is very temperate, inclining to dryness, healthy, little

subject to sickness. The four seasons of the year are about

as in France, or the Netherlands. The difference is, the

spring is shorter because it begins later, the summer is

warmer because it comes on more suddenly, the autumn is long

and very pleasant, the winter cold and liable to much snow.

Two winds ordinarily prevail: the N.W. in winter and the

S.W. in summer; the other winds are not common; the N.W.

corresponds with our N.E. because it blows across the

country from the cold point as our N.E. does. The S.W. is

dry and hot like our S.E. because it comes from the warm

countries; the N.E. is cold and wet like our S.W. for similar

reasons. The character of the country is very like that of

France; the land is fairly high and level, especially broken

along the coast by small rocky hills unfit for agriculture;

farther in the interior are pretty high mountains (generally

exhibiting great appearance of minerals) between which flow

a great number of small rivers. In some places there are even

some lofty ones of extraordinary height, but not many. Its

fertility falls behind no province in Europe in excellence of

fruits and seeds. There are three principal rivers, to wit:

the Fresh, the Mauritius and the South River,<1> all three

reasonably wide and deep, adapted for the navigation of

large ships twenty-five leagues up and of common barks even

to the falls. From the River Mauritius off to beyond the

Fresh River stretches a channel that forms an island, forty

leagues long, called Long Island, which is the ordinary

passage from New England to Virginia, having on both sides

many harbors to anchor in, so that people make no difficulty

about navigating it in winter. The country is generally

covered with trees, except a few valleys and some large

flats of seven or eight leagues and less; the trees are as

in Europe, viz. Oak, hickory, chestnut, vines. The animals

are also of the same species as ours, except lions and some

other strange beasts, many bears, abundance of wolves which

harm nobody but the small cattle, elks and deer in abundance,

foxes, beavers, otters, minks and such like. The birds which

are natural to the country are turkeys like ours, swans,

geese of three sorts, ducks, teals, cranes, herons, bitterns,

two sorts of partridges, four sorts of heath fowls, grouse or

pheasants. The river fish is like that of Europe, viz., carp,

sturgeon, salmon, pike, perch, roach, eel, etc. In the salt

waters are found codfish, haddock, herring and so forth, also

abundance of oysters and clams.

<1> Connecticut, Hudson and Delaware.

The Indians are of ordinary stature, strong and broad shouldered;

olive color, light and nimble of foot, subtle of mind, of few

words which they previously well consider, hypocritical,

treacherous, vindictive; brave and obstinate in self-defence,

in time of need right resolute to die. They seem to despise

all the torments that can be inflicted on them without once

uttering a sigh--go almost naked except a lap which hangs

before their private parts, and on the shoulders a deer skin

or a mantle, a fathom square, of woven Turkey feathers or

peltries sewed together. They now make great use of duffel

cloths, blue or red, in consequence of the frequent visits of

the Christians. In winter they make shoes of deer skins,

manufactured after their fashion. Except their chiefs, they

have generally but one wife whom they frequently change

according to caprice; she must do all the work, as well corn-

planting as wood-cutting and whatever else is to be done.

They are divided into various nations. They differ even in

language, which would be altogether too long to be narrated

in this short space. They dwell together in tribes, mostly

of one consanguinity, over which commands a chief who is

general and is generally called Sackema, possessing not much

authority and little advantage, unless in their dances and

other ceremonies. They have no knowledge at all of God, no

divine worship, no law, no justice; the strongest does what

he pleases and the youths are master. Their weapons are the

bow and arrow, in the use of which they are wonderful adepts.

They live by hunting and fishing in addition to maize which

the women plant.

By Whom and How New Netherland was peopled.

The subjects of the Lords States General had for a considerable

time frequented this country solely for the purpose of the fur

trade. Then, in the year 1623, the Chartered West India Company

caused four forts to be erected in that country--two on the

River Mauritius and one on each of the other [rivers]; the biggest

stands on the point where the Mauritius River begins, and the

other one,<1> mentioned heretofore, which their Honors named New

Amsterdam; and six and thirty leagues upwards another called

Orange. That on the South River is called Nassauw and that on

Fresh River, the Good Hope. The Company has since continually

maintained garrisons there. In the beginning their Honors had

sent a certain number of settlers thither, and at great expense

had three sawmills erected, which never realised any profit of

consequence, on account of their great heaviness, and a great

deal of money was expended for the advancement of the country,

but it never began to be settled until every one had liberty

to trade with the Indians, inasmuch as up to this time no one

calculated to remain there longer than the expiration of his

bounden time, and therefore they did not apply themselves to

agriculture. Yea, even the colony of Renselaerwyck was of

little consequence; but as soon as it was permitted, many

servants, who had some money coming to them from the Company,

applied for their discharge, built houses and formed plantations,

spread themselves far and wide, each seeking the best land, and

to be nearest the Indians in order thus to trade with them

easily, others bought barks with which to trade goods at the

North and at the South, and as the Lords Directors gave free

passage from Holland thither, that also caused some to come.

On the other hand, the English came also from both Virginia and

New England. Firstly, many servants, whose time with their

masters had expired, on account of the good opportunity to plant

tobacco here, afterwards families and finally entire colonies,

forced to quit that place both to enjoy freedom of conscience

and to escape from the insupportable government of New England

and because many more commodities were easier to be obtained

here than there, so that in place of seven farms and two or

three plantations which were here, one saw thirty farms, as

well cultivated and stocked with cattle as in Europe, and a

hundred plantations which in two or three [years] would have

become well arranged farms. For after the tobacco was out of

the ground, corn was thrown in there without ploughing. In

winter men were busy preparing new lands. Five English colonies

which by contract had [settled] under us on equal terms as the

others. Each of these was in appearance not less than a

hundred families strong, exclusive of the colony of Rensselaers

Wyck which is prospering, with that of Myndert Meyndertsz<2>

and Cornelis Melyn,<3> who began first, also the village New

Amsterdam around the fort, a hundred families, so that there

was appearance of producing supplies in a year for fourteen

thousand souls, without straining the country, and had there

been no want of laborers or farm servants twice as much could

have been raised, considering that fifty lasts of rye and fifty

lasts of peas still remained over around the fort after a large

quantity had been burnt and destroyed by the Indians, who in a

short time nearly brought this country to nought and had well

nigh destroyed this good hope, in manner following--

<1> East River, apparently.

<2> The colony of Hackensack, belonging to Meyndert Meyndertsen

van Keren and others.

<3> Cornelis Melyn's colony embraced all Staten Island except

De Vries's plantation.

The Causes of the New Netherland War and the Sequel thereof.

We have already stated that the cause of the population of

New Netherland was the liberty to trade with the Indians.

We shall now prove that it also is the cause of its ruin,

producing two contrary effects, and that not without reason

as shall appear from the following.

This liberty then which in every respect should have been

most gratefully received, of which use should have been made

as of a precious gift, was very soon perverted to a great

abuse. For every one thought that now the time had come to

make his fortune, withdrew himself from his comrade, as if

holding him suspect and the enemy of his gains, and sought

communication with the Indians from whom it appeared his

profit was to be derived. That created first a division of

power of dangerous consequence, in opposition to Their High

Mightinesses' motto<1>--produced altogether too much

familiarity with the Indians which in a short time brought

forth contempt, usually the father of hate--not being

satisfied with merely taking them into their houses in the

customary manner, but attracting them by extraordinary

attention, such as admitting them to the table, laying

napkins before them, presenting wine to them and more of

that kind of thing, which they did not receive like Esop's

man, but as their due and desert, insomuch that they were

not content but began to hate when such civilities were not

shewn them. To this familiarity and freedom succeeded

another evil. As the cattle usually roamed through the

woods without a herdsman, they frequently came into the

corn of the Indians which was unfenced on all sides,

committing great damage there; this led to frequent complaints

on their part and finally to revenge on the cattle without

sparing even the horses, which were valuable in this country.

Moreover many of ours took the Indians into service, making

use of them in their houses and thus, whilst they were being

employed, laying open before those Indians our entire

circumstances; and sometimes becoming weary of their work,

they took leg-bail and stole much more than the amount of

their wages. This freedom caused still great mischief, for

the inhabitants of Renselaerswyck who were as many traders

as persons, perceiving that the Mohawks were craving for

guns, which some of them had already received from the English,

paying for each as many as twenty beavers and for a pound of

powder as much as ten to twelve guilders, they came down in

greater numbers than was their wont where people were well

supplied with guns, purchasing these at a fair price, thus

realizing great profit; afterwards they obtained some from

their Heer Patroon for their self-defence in time of need, as

we suppose. This extraordinary gain was not kept long a

secret, the traders coming from Holland soon got scent of it,

and from time to time brought over great quantities, so that

the Mohawks in a short time were seen with firelocks, powder

and lead in proportion. Four hundred armed men knew how to

use their advantage, especially against their enemies

dwelling along the river of Canada,<2> against whom they have

now achieved many profitable forays where before they derived

little advantage; this causes them also to be respected by

the surrounding Indians even as far as the sea coast, who

must generally pay them tribute, whereas, on the contrary,

they were formerly obliged to contribute to these. On this

account the Indians endeavored no less to procure guns, and

through the familiarity which existed between them and our

people, they began to solicit them for guns and powder, but

as such was forbidden on pain of death and it could not

remain secret in consequence of the general conversation,

they could not obtain them. This added to the previous

contempt greatly augmented the hatred which stimulated them

to conspire against us, beginning first by insults which they

everywhere indiscreetly uttered railing at us as Materiotty

(that is to say) the cowards--that we might indeed be

something on water, but of no account on land, and that we

had neither a great sachem nor chiefs.

<1> Eendracht maakt macht, union makes strength.

<2> Father Jogues speaks more than once of the ill effects

of the Dutch practice of selling fire-arms to the Indians.

[Here two pages are wanting.]

he of Witqueschreek living northeast of the island Manhatans,

perpetrated another murderous deed in the house of an old

man,<1> a wheelwright, with whom he was acquainted (having

been in his son's service) being well received and supplied

with food, pretending a desire to buy something and whilst

the old man was taking from the chest the cloth the Indian

wanted the latter took up an ax and cut his head off, further

plundering the house, and ran away. This outrage obliged

the Director to demand satisfaction from the sachem, who

refused it, saying that he was sorry that twenty Christians

had not been murdered<2> and that this Indians had only

avenged the death of his uncle who, it was alleged, had been

slain by the Dutch twenty-one years before. Whereupon all

the commonalty were called together by the Director to

consider this affair, who all appeared and presently twelve

men delegated from among them<3> answered the propositions,

and resolved at once on war should the murderer be refused;

that the attack should be made on [the Indians] in the

autumn when they were hunting; meanwhile an effort should

be again made by kindness to obtain justice, which was

accordingly several times sought for but in vain.

<1> Claes Smits Rademaker.

<2> "Note A [in the original]. Capt. Patricx letter 21 August

1641." I do not find this letter in print. Captain Patrick,

formerly a soldier under the Prince of Orange, was one of the

early members of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, but had

left that colony in 1639 and settled with his Dutch wife at

Greenwich. Concerning his death, at the hands of a Dutch

Trooper, see Winthrop, II. 153-154, in this series.

<3> "Note B. Their answer and resolution dated the 29th August,

1641." This document, "from Director Kieft's copy-book," is

in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I. 415.

The time being come many difficulties were alleged and

operations were postponed until the year 1642, when it was

resolved to avenge the perpetrated outrage. Thereupon spies

looked up the Indians who lay in their dwelling-place

suspecting nothing, and eighty men were detailed under the

command of Ensign Hendrick van Dyck and sent thither. The

guide being come with the troops in the neighborhood of the

Indian wigwams lost his way in consequence of the darkness

of the night. The ensign became impatient, and turned back

without having accomplished anything. The journey, however,

was not without effect, for the Indians who remarked by the

trail made by our people in marching that they had narrowly

escaped discovery, sought for peace which was granted them

on condition that they should either deliver up the murderer

or inflict justice themselves; this they promised, but without

any result.

Some weeks after this Miantonimo, principal sachem of Sloops

Bay,<1> came here with one hundred men, passing through all

the Indian villages<2> soliciting them to a general war

against both the English and the Dutch,<3> whereupon some of

the neighboring Indians attempted to set our powder on fire

and to poison the Director or to inchant him by their devilry,

as their ill will was afterwards made manifest as well in fact

as by report. Those of Hackingsack, otherwise called Achter

Col, had with their neighbors killed an Englishman, a servant

of one David Pietersen, and a few days after shot dead in an

equally treacherous manner a Dutchman, who sat roofing a

house in the colony of Meyndert Meyndertz,<4> which was

established there against he advice of the Director and will

of the Indians, and which by the continual damage which their

cattle committed caused no little dissatisfaction to the Indians,

and contributed greatly to the war. The commonalty began then

to be alarmed, and not without reason, having the Indians daily

in their houses. The murderers were frequently demanded,

either living or dead, even with a promise of reward; they

always returned a scoffing answer laughing at us. Finally,

the commonalty, very much displeased with the Director,

upbraided him for conniving with the Indians, and [declared]

that an attempt was making to sell Christian blood;<5> yea,

that the will of the entire commonalty was surrendered to him,

and in case he would not avenge blood they should do it

themselves, be the consequences what they might. The Director

advised Pacham the sachem,<6> who interested himself in this

matter, warning him that we should wait no longer inasmuch as

no satisfaction had been given.

<1> I.e., of the Narragansetts.

<2> "Note C. The English Manifest, Page 2." This means that

now rare pamphlet, _A Declaration of Former Passages and

Proceedings betwixt the English and the Narrowgansets_ (Cambridge,

1645), published by order of the Commissioners of the United

Colonies. See its text, and the particular passage here referred

To, in _Records of Plymouth Colony_, IX. 50.

<3> "Note D. Capt. Patricx letter dated 2 Jan'y, 1642." I have

nowhere seen this letter.

<4> "Note E. The order in the Director's letter and in the

deposition thereupon." See De Vries, p. 215, supra.

<5> "Note F. Resolve of the 12 delegates dated 21 Jan'y, 1642."

See _N.Y. Col. Doc., I. 414-415.

<6> Of the Haverstraw Indians.

Meanwhile God wreaked vengeance on those of Witquescheck without

our knowledge through the Mahicanders dwelling below Fort Orange,

who slew seventeen of them, and made prisoners of many women and

children. The remainder fled through a deep snow to the

Christians' houses on and around the island Manhatens. They were

most humanely received being half dead of cold and hunger; they

supported them for fourteen days, even corn was sent to them by

the Director. A short time after, another panic seized the

Indians which caused them to fly to divers places in the vicinity

of the Dutch. This opportunity to avenge the innocent blood

induced some of the Twelve Men to represent to the Director that

it was now time, whereupon they received for answer that they

should put their request in writing which was done by three in

the name of them all,<1> by a petition to be allowed to attack

those of Hackingsack in two divisions--on the Manhatens and on

Pavonia. This was granted after a protracted discussion too

long to be reported here, so that the design was executed that

same night; the burghers slew those who lay a small league from

the fort, and the soldiers those at Pavonia, at which two places

about eighty Indians were killed and thirty taken prisoners.

Next morning before the return of the troops a man and a woman

were shot at Pavonia who had come through curiosity either to

look at or plunder the dead; the soldiers had rescued a young

child which the woman had in her arms.

<1> "Note G. Their Petition dated 24th Feb. 1643." _N.Y. Col.

Doc._, I. 193. Its true date was February 22.

The Christians residing on Long Island also requested by

petition<1> to be allowed to attack and slay the Indians

thereabout; which was refused, as these especially had done

us no harm, and shewed us every friendship--(yea, had even

voluntarily killed some of the Raritans, our enemies,

hereinbefore mentioned). Yet notwithstanding<2> some Christians

attempted secretly with two waggons to steal maize from these

Indians, out of their cabins, which they perceiving endeavored

to prevent, thereupon three Indians were shot dead, two houses

standing opposite the fort were in return forthwith set on

fire. The Director knowing nought of this sent at once some

persons to enquire the reason of it. The Indians showing

themselves afar off, called out--"Be ye our friends? ye are

mere corn stealers"--forth with behaving as enemies. This

induced one of the proprietors of the burnt houses to upbraid

therewith one Maryn Adriaenzen, who at his request had led the

freemen in the attack on the Indians, and who being reinforced

by an English troop had afterwards undertaken two bootless

expeditions in the open field. Imagining that the Director

had accused him, he being one of the signers of the petition

he determined to revenge himself.<3> With this resolution he

proceeded to the Director's house armed with a pistol, loaded

and cocked, and a hanger by his side; coming unawares into the

Director's room, he presents his pistol at him, saying, "What

devilish lies art thou reporting of me?" but by the promptness

of one of the bystanders, the shot was prevented, and he

himself immediately confined. A short time after, Marine's

man and another entered the fort, each carrying a loaded gun

and pistol. The first fired at the Director who having had

notice withdrew towards his house, the balls passing into the

wall alongside the door behind him; the sentinel firing

immediately on him who had discharged his gun, brought him

down. Shortly afterwards some of the commonalty collected

before the Director, riotously demanding the prisoner; they

were answered that their request should be presented in order

and in writing, which about 25 men did; they therein asked the

Director to pardon the criminal. The matters were referred to

them to decide conscientiously thereupon, in such wise that

they immediately went forth, without hearing parties or seeing

any complaints or documents. They condemn him in a fine of

five hundred guilders, and to remain three months away from

the Manhatens, but on account of the importance of the affair

and some considerations, it was resolved to send the criminal

with his trial to Holland, which...<4>

<1> "Note H. Their petition and the answer thereto, dated 27

Feb. 1643." Printed in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I. 416-417.

<2> "Note I. Contains the information thereupon."

<3> "Note K. His trial therefor."

<4> Gap in manuscript.

In this confusion mingled with great terror passed the winter

away; the season came for driving out the cattle; this obliged

many to desire peace. On the other hand the Indians, seeing

also that it was time to plant maize, were not less solicitous

for peace, so that after some negotiation, peace was concluded

in May Ao. 1643 [more] in consequence of the importunity of

some than because it was generally expected that it would be

durable.

The Indians kept still after this peace, associating daily

with our people; yea, even the greatest chiefs came to visit

the Director. Meanwhile Pachem, a crafty man, ran through

all the villages urging the Indians to a general massacre. To

this was added moreoever that certain Indians called Wappingers,

dwelling sixteen leagues up the river, with whom we never had

any the least trouble, seized on a boat coming from Fort Orange

wherein were only two men, and full four hundred beavers. This

great booty stimulated<1> others to join them, so that they

seized two boats more, intending to overhaul the fourth also,

from which they were driven off with the loss of six Indians.

Nine Christians including two women were murdered in these

captured barks, one woman and two children remaining prisoners.

The other Indians, so soon as their maize was ripe, were

likewise roused, and through semblance of selling beavers

killed an old man and an old woman, leaving another man with

five wounds, who however fled to the fort in a boat with a

little child on his arm, who in the first outbreak had lost

father and mother, and now grandfather and grandmother, being

thus twice through God's merciful blessing rescued from the

hands of the Indians, before it was two years old. Nothing

was now heard but murders, most of which were committed under

pretence of coming to put the Christians on their guard.

<1> "Note M. Their acknowledgement made before the English

16 January, 1643, English style."

Finally they took the field and attacked the farms at Pavonia.

There were here at the time two ships of war and a privateer

who saved considerable cattle and grain. Nevertheless it was

not possible to prevent the destruction of four farms on

Pavonia, which were burnt, not by open force, but by stealthily

creeping through the brush with fire in hand, thus igniting

the roofs which are all either of reed or straw; one covered

with plan was saved at that time.

The commonalty were called together; they were sore distressed.

They chose eight, in the stead of the previous twelve<1>, persons

to aid in consulting for the best; but the occupation every one

had to take care of his own, prevented anything beneficial being

adopted at that time--nevertheless it was resolved that as many

Englishmen as were to be got in the country should be enlisted,

who were indeed now proposing to depart; the third part of these

were to be paid by the commonalty; this promise was made by the

commonalty but was not followed by the pay.

<1> "Note N. Resolve of 13 Sept'r 1643." _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I.

194.

Terror increasing all over the land the Eight Men assembled,

drew<1> up a proposal in writing wherein they asked that

delegates should be sent to the north, to our English neighbors,

to request an auxiliary force of one hundred and fifty men, for

whose pay a bill of exchange should be given for twenty-five

thousand guilders, and that New Netherland should be so long

mortgaged to the English as security for the payment thereof.

One of the most influential among the Eight Men had by letter<2>

enforced by precedents previously endeavored to persuade the

Director to this course, as they had also a few days before

Resolved<3> that the provisions destined for Curacao should be

unloaded from the vessels and the major portion of the men

belonging to them detained, and to send the ships away thus

empty. This was not yet agreed to nor considered expedient

by the Director.

[Here four pages are wanting.]

[An expedition was despatched consisting of ---- regular

soldiers] under the command of the sergeant,<4> forty burghers

under their Captain Jochem Pietersen,<5> thirty-five Englishmen

under Lieutenant Baxter,<6> but to prevent all confusion,

Councillor La Montagne<7> was appointed general. Coming to

Staten Island, they marched the whole night, finding the houses

empty and abandoned by the Indian; they got five or six hundred

skepels of corn, burning the remainder without accomplishing

anything else.

<1> "Note O. Dated 6th Octob. 1643."

<2> "Note P. Dated 9th March, 1643."

<3> "Note Q. In their resolution 30th September, 1643."

<4> Pieter Cock.

<5> Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, one of the Twelve Men and of the

Eight Men.

<6> George Baxter, an exile from New England, now English

secretary under Kieft. The number of English colonists in New

Netherland, especially on Long Island, was rapidly increasing.

<7> Dr. Johannes la Montagne, a Hugeunot physician, who with

Kieft constituted the council of the province.

Mayane, a sachem, residing eight leagues northeast of us,

between Greenwich (that lies within our jurisdiction) and

Stantfort,<1> which is English,--a bold Indian who alone dared

to attack with bow and arrows three Christians armed with guns,

one of whom he shot dead--whilst engaged with the other, was

killed by the third Christian and his head brought hither. It

was then known and understood for the first time, that he and

his Indians had done as much injury, though we never had any

difference with him. Understanding further that they lay in

their houses very quiet and without suspicion on account of

the neighborhood of the English, it was determined to hunt

them up and attack them, and one hundred and twenty men were

went thither under the preceding command. The people landed

at Greenwich in the evening from three yachts, marched the

entire night but could not find the Indians, either because

the guide brought this about on purpose, as was believed, or

because he had himself gone astray. Retreat was made to the

yachts in order to depart as secretly as possible. Passing

through Stantfort some Englishmen were encountered who

offered to lead ours to the place where some Indians were.

Thereupon four scouts were sent in divers directions to

discover them, who at their return reported that the Indians

had some notice of our people by the salute which the

Englishmen gave us, but without any certainty, whereupon

five and twenty of the bravest men were at once commanded to

proceed thither to the nearest village. With great diligence

they made the journey, killing eighteen or twenty Indians,

capturing an old man, two women and some children, to exchange

for ours. The other troops found the huts empty, and further

came hither with the yachts.

<1> Stamford.

The old Indian captured above having promised to lead us to

Wetquescheck, which consisted of three castles, sixty-five

men were despatched under Baxter and Pieter Cock, who found

them empty, though thirty Indians could have stood against

two hundred soldiers since the castles were constructed of

plank five inches thick, nine feet high, and braced around

with thick balk full of port-holes. Our people burnt two,

reserving the third for a retreat. Marching eight or nine

leagues further, they discovered nothing but some huts, which

they could not surprize as they were discovered. They came

back having killed only one or two Indians, taken some women

and children prisoners and burnt much corn. Meanwhile we

were advised that Pennewitz,<1> one of the oldest and most

experienced Indians in the country, and who in the first

conspiracy had given the most dangerous advice--to wit, that

they should wait and not attack the Dutch until all suspicion

had been lulled, and then divide themselves equally through

the houses of the Christians and slaughter all these in one

night--was secretly waging war against us with his tribe,

who killed some of our people and set fire to the houses. It

was therefore resolved to send thither a troop of one hundred

and twenty men. The burghers under their company, the English

under the Sergeant Major Van der Hyl<2> (who within a few days

had offered his services and was accepted), the veteran

soldiers under Pieter Cock, all under the command of Mr. La

Montagne, proceed hence in three yachts, land in Scouts Bay

on Long Island,<3> and march towards Heemstede<4> (where there

is an English colony dependent on us.) Some sent forward in

advance dexterously killed an Indian who was out as a spy.

Our force was divided into two divisions--Van der Hil with

fourteen English towards the smallest, and eighty men towards

the largest village named Matsepe,<5> both which were very

successful, killing about one hundred and twenty men; of ours

one man remained on the field and three were wounded.

<1> Chief of the Canarsee tribe, in western Long Island.

<2> John Underhill, whose unctuous piety and profligate life

have an important place in Winthrop and other New England

historians. With Captain John Mason he had the leading part

in the crushing of the Pequots in 1637. Banished from

Massachusetts and restored, this amusing reprobate had gone

to the Dutch, "having good offers made him by the Dutch governor

(he speaking the Dutch tongue and his wife a Dutch woman)," but

had now settled at Stamford. Later he lived at Flushing and at

Oyster Bay, where he died in 1672.

<3> Now called Manhasset Bay.

<4> Now Hempstead, Long Island, where early in 1644 Robert

Fordham and other English from Stamford had formed a colony

under New Netherland jurisdiction.

<5> Mespath, now Newtown, Long Island.

<6> Stamford.

Our forces being returned from this expedition, Capt. Van der

Hil was despatched to Stantfort,<1> to get some information

there of the Indians. He reported that the guide who had

formerly served us, and was supposed to have gone astray in

the night, had now been in great danger of his life among the

Indians, of whom there were about five hundred together. He

offered to lead us there, to shew that the former mischance

was not his fault. One hundred and thirty men were accordingly

despatched under the aforesaid Genl Van der Hil and Hendrick

van Dyck, ensign. They embarked in three yachts, and landed at

Greenwich, where they were obliged to pass the night by reason

of the great snow and storm. In the morning they marched

northwest up over stony hills over which some must creep. In

the evening about eight o'clock they came within a league of

the Indians, and inasmuch as they should have arrived too

early and had to cross two rivers, one of two hundred feet

wide and three deep, and that the men could not afterwards there

rest in consequence of the cold, it was determined to remain

there until about ten o'clock. The order was given as to the

mode to be observed in attacking the Indians--they marched

forward towards the houses, the latter being set up in three

rows, street fashion, each row eighty paces long, in a low

recess protected by the hills, affording much shelter from the

northwest wind. The moon was then at the full, and threw a

strong light against the hills so that many winter days were

not brighter than it then was. On arriving there the Indians

were wide awake, and on their guard, so that ours determined